Մասնակից:Արևիկ Սոֆյան/Ավազարկղ7

Դիմանկար՝ Ֆրանց ֆոն Լենբախ, 1902

Ռասայի քարոզիչ

Այցելություն Անգլիա

1900 թվականին Չեմբեռլենը առաջին անգամ այցելել է Բրիտանիա։ Գրելով Լոնդոնից Կոզիմա Վագներին՝ Չեմբեռլենը տխուր ասել է, որ իր պատկերացրած արիստոկրատ, աշխատասեր և քաջ Բրիտանիան այլևս չկա՝ այն փոխարինվել էր այն բանով, ինչ Չեմբեռլենը համարում էր մատերիալիստական, անհոգի հասարակություն, որը տրոհված էր կոլեկտիվ նպատակի զգացում չունեցող անհատների մեջ և ամբողջությամբ գերակշռում էր ագահությունը։ Չեմբեռլենը եզրափակեով իր խոսքը ասել է,․«Իմ հին Անգլիան ոչ մի տեղ ճանաչելի չէր»։ Չեմբեռլենն իր նամակում հայտարարել է, որ բրիտանացի բոլոր գործարարներն անազնիվ են։ Մի խոսքով, Չեմբեռլենի համար Բրիտանիան այլևս իր երկիրը չէր։

Գերմանական գերակայություն

1900 թվականի ամռանը Չեմբեռլենը էսսե է գրել «Յուգենդ» ամսագրում, որտեղ հայտարարել է, որ «Վիլհելմ II-ի թագավորությունը կրում է նոր օրվա արշալույսի բնույթ»։ Չեմբեռլենը շարունակել է գրել, որ Վիլհելմը «իրականում առաջին գերմանացի Կայզերն էր», ով գիտեր, որ իր առաքելությունն է «ազնվացնել» աշխարհը՝ տարածելով «գերմանական գիտելիքները, գերմանական փիլիսոփայությունը, գերմանական արվեստը և, եթե Աստծված կամենա՝ գերմանական կրոնը»: Միայն Կայզերը, ով ստանձնում է այս խնդիրը, գերմանացի ժողովրդի իսկական Կայզերն է։ Որպեսզի Գերմանիան դառնար համաշխարհային տերություն, Չեմբեռլենը կոչ է արել Ռայխին դառնալ աշխարհի ամենամեծ ծովային տերությունը, քանի որ Չեմբեռլենը պնդում էր, որ այն ուժը, որը կառավարում է ծովերը, կառավարում է նաև աշխարհը։ Չեմբեռլենը գրել է, որ «առանց նավատորմի ոչինչ հնարավոր չէ անել: Բայց մեծ նավատորմով հագեցած Գերմանիան սկսել է այն ուղին, որտեղ Կրոմվելը ցույց է տվել Անգլիային ճանապարհը, և նա կարող է և պետք է վճռականորեն ընթանա, որպեսզի դառնա առաջին տերությունը: Նա ուներ դրա բարոյական հիմնավորումը և, հետևաբար, նաև պարտականությունը»։

Կայզեր Վիլհելմ II

1901 թվականի սկզբին Գերմանիայի կայսր Վիլհելմ II-ը կարդացել է «Die Grundlagen» գիրքը և չափազանց տպավորվել է։ Ուլրիխ ֆոն Բյուլովը՝ կանցլեր արքայազն Բեռնհարդ ֆոն Բյուլովի եղբայրը 1901 թվականի հունվարին ընկերոջը գրած նամակում գրել է, որ Կայզերը «երկրորդ անգամ ուսումնասիրում է գիրքը էջ առ էջ»։ 1901 թվականի նոյեմբերին Չեմբեռլենի ընկերը՝ գերմանացի դիվանագետ և պալատական Ֆիլիպը, Էյլենբուրգի արքայազնը, ով պարզվել է, որ Ուիլյամ II-ի լավագույն ընկերն է, Չեմբեռլենին ներկայացրել է կայզերին։ Չեմբեռլենը և Վիլհելմը առաջին անգամ հանդիպել են Լիբենբերգի Էյլենբուրգի կալվածքում և շուտով դարձել են լավ ընկերներ՝ պահպանելով նամակագրություն, որը տևել է մինչև 1927 թվականին՝ Չեմբեռլենի մահը։

Վիեննայից Լիբենբերգ հասնելու համար Չեմբեռլենը նախ ստիպված գնացքով գնացել է Բեռլին, այնուհետև մեկ այլ գնացքով գնացել է Լիբենբերգ։ Չեմբեռլենի հանդիպումը Կայզերի հետ այնքան կարևոր է եղել, որ երբ Չեմբեռլենը ժամանել է Բեռլին, նրան դիմավորելու կանցլեր արքայազն Բերնհարդ ֆոն Բյուլովը, ով նրան միացել է Լիբենբերգ կատարած ուղևորության ժամանակ։ Գնացքով ճանապարհորդության ընթացքում Բյուլովն ուՉեմբեռլենը երկար զրուցել են ֆրանսիական գրականության մասին։ Երեկոյան հասնելով Լիբենբերգ Չեմբեռլենին և Բլոուին դիմավորել են Վիլհելմը և Էյլենբուրգը։

Մինչև Չեմբեռլենի մահը նա և Վիլհելմը ունեցել են այն, ինչ ամերիկացի պատմաբան Ջեֆրի Ֆիլդը անվանել է ջերմ անձնական կապ։ Վիլհելմ-Չեմբեռլենի թեմաներն եղել են բազմազան, սիրելի թեմաներն էին գերմանական ռասայի ազնվացնող առաքելությունը, ուլտրամոնտանիզմի քայքայիչ ուժերը, նյութապաշտությունը և այլն։

1901 թվականին Վիլհելմը Չեմբեռլենին նամակով հայտնել է, որ «Աստված ձեր գիրքն ուղարկել է գերմանացի ժողովրդին այնպես, ինչպես ձեզ անձամբ է ուղարկել ինձ։ Դա իմ հաստատուն համոզմունքն է»։ Վիլհելմը շարունակել է գովաբանել Չեմբեռլենին որպես իր «զինակից և դաշնակից Հռոմի, Երուսաղեմի և այլնի դեմ տևտոնների պայքարում»։

Անձնական կյանք և ֆինանսական

Չեմբեռլենը սիրավեպ է ունեցել Բարոնուհի ֆոն Էրենֆելսի՝ իր ընկերոջ՝ Բարոն Քրիստիան ֆոն Էրենֆելսի կնոջ հետ, և ևս մեկ սիրավեպ՝ Վիեննայի պարուհի Լիլի Պետրիի հետ։ 1906 թվականին նրա ամուսնությունը Աննայի հետ ավարտվել է ամուսնալուծությամբ։

Բացի ֆոնդերի և էսսեների վաճառքից ստացված եկամուտներից, որոնք նա անընդհատ գրում էր թերթերի և ամսագրերի համար, Չեմբեռլենին ֆինանսապես աջակցում էր գերմանացի մեծահարուստ դաշնամուր արտադրող Ավգուստ Լյուդովիչին (ով այնքան է սիրել Չեմբեռլենին, որ տուն էր գնել նրա համար), ինչպես նաև շվեյցարացի արդյունաբերող Էժեն Բուասիեն, ով տարեկան ծախսում էր մոտ 30,000-40,000 մարկ եկամուտ (գերմանացի դպրոցի ուսուցիչը տարեկան 1000 մարկ եկամուտ ուներ։

Չեմբեռլենն ամուսնացել է Վագների դստեր՝ Եվա ֆոն Բյուլովի հետ։

Չեմբեռլենի կերպարը

Չեմբեռլենը, ով ինքնահռչակ «ռասայի ավետարանիչ» էր, ով իրեն մարգարե էր համարում։ Քերը, ովքեր լավ ճանաչում էին Չեմբեռլենին, նրան նկարագրել են որպես հանգիստ, զուսպ մարդ՝ լի քաղաքային էրուդիցիայով և հմայքով, համեստ, հանճարեղ կերպար՝ նրբագեղ, հագած թանկարժեք կոստյումներով, ով կարող էր ժամերով փայլուն և խելամտորեն խոսել բազմաթիվ թեմաների մասին։

Կաթոլիկության վրա հարձակումների մեղմացում

Որպես «ռասայի ավետարանիչ» Չեմբեռլենը մեղմացրեց իր հակակաթոլիզմը 20-րդ դարի առաջին տասնամյակում՝ գիտակցելով, որ «Die Grundlagen»-ի հարձակումները կաթոլիկ եկեղեցու վրա հեռացրել են գերմանական կաթոլիկ համայնքին իր հետ հաղորդակցության մեջ գտնվելուց։

Գերմանական միասնություն, գերմանական գիտություն և փիլիսոփայություն

Որպես հանրահայտ մտավորական՝ Չեմբեռլենը բազմաթիվ թեմաներով գրում էր թերթերի և ամսագրերի համար: Հրեաների մասին գրելուց բացի, Չեմբեռլենի գլխավոր թեմաներից մեկը գերմանական մշակույթի, լեզվի, ռասայի և արվեստի միասնությունն էր և գերմանական արվեստի միասնության անհրաժեշտությունը ռասայականացված «գերմանական քրիստոնեության» հետ։

Չեմբեռլենի ստեղծագործության մեկ այլ կարևոր թեմա է եղել գիտությունն ու փիլիսոփայությունը: Չեմբեռլենը միշտ հետաքրքրված է եղել ժամանակակից գիտությամբ և իրեն համարել է գիտնական։ Նա քննադատել է այն պնդումը, որ ժամանակակից գիտությունը կարող է ամեն ինչ բացատրել ՝ հավատալով, որ մարդկությունն ունի հոգևոր կողմ, որը գիտությունը չի կարող բացատրել։ Չեմբեռլենը կարծում էր, որ ժամանակակից Գերմանիան կործանվելու է մարդկանց կողմից, ովքեր կորցրել են իրենց հոգևոր կողմերը նյութապաշտական համոզմունքի պատճառով:

Իր հերոսներից մեկի՝ փիլիսոփա Իմմանուել Կանտի կենսագրության մեջ, որը գրվել է 1905 թվականին, Չեմբեռլենը պնդում էր, որ Կանտը ցույց է տվել ռացիոնալիզմի և բանականության սահմանները։ Փոխարենը, Չեմբերլենը պնդում էր, որ Կանտը ցույց է տվել, որ ինտուիցիայի վրա հիմնված բնազդային մոտեցումը աշխարհը հասկանալու շատ ավելի հզոր միջոց է։

Bust of Chamberlain (c. 1914), from an unfinished clay model for a bust by Joseph Hinterbeher

Համաշխարհային պատերազմի քարոզիչ

In August 1914, he started suffering from a progressive paralysis of the limbs. At the end of the war, Chamberlain's paralysis had already befallen much of his body; his chronically bad health had reached its final stage. By the time World War I started in 1914, Chamberlain remained British only by virtue of his name and nationality. When the war started, Chamberlain tried to enlist in the German Army, but was turned down on the account of his age (then 58) and bad health. In August 1914, Chamberlain wrote a letter to his brother, Basil Hall Chamberlain, explaining why he had sided with his adopted country that read: "No war has ever been simpler than this; England has not for a moment reduced her efforts to do everything humanly possible to bring it about and to destroy every peaceful impulse. ... Germany's victory will not be England's ruin; quite the contrary, it is the only hope for England's rescue from the total ruin in which she now stands. England's victory will be terrible for the whole world, a catastrophe." The same month, Chamberlain published an essay celebrating Wilhelm II as an "Aryan soldier-king" and as a "Siegfried" who had embraced the "struggle against the corroding poison of Jewry". Chamberlain went on to call the war "a life-or-death struggle ... between two human ideals: the German and the un-German". Accordingly, the Reich must "for the next hundred years or more" strengthen all things German and carry out "the determined extermination of the un-German". Chamberlain happily welcomed the war, writing in September 1914 to his friend Prince Max of Baden: "I thank God that I have been allowed to experience these two exaltations—1870 and 1914—and that I was both times in Germany and saw the truth with my own eyes." In his 1914 essay, "Whose Fault Is the War?", Chamberlain blamed the war on France, Russia and especially Britain. Chamberlain argued though St. Petersburg and Paris were both seeking war, it was London who had masterminded the war, and the French and Russians were just British puppets. Initially Chamberlain expected the war to be over by the end of 1914, and was very disappointed when that did not occur. In 1916 he also acquired German citizenship. He had already begun propagandising on behalf of the German government and continued to do so throughout the war. His vociferous denunciations of his land of birth, it has been posited, were the culmination of his rejection of his native England's capitalism, in favour of a form of German Romanticism akin to that which he had cultivated in himself during his years at Cheltenham. The British historian John C. G. Röhl wrote the war made the "brutality in general and anti-Semitism in particular" of people like the Kaiser and Chamberlain "more intense".

During World War I, Chamberlain published several propaganda texts against his country of birth—Kriegsaufsätze (Wartime Essays). In the first four tracts, he maintained that Germany is a nation of peace; England's political system is a sham, while Germany exhibits true freedom; German is the greatest and only remaining "living" language; and the world would be better off doing away with English and French-styled parliamentary governments in favour of German rule "thought out by a few and carried out with iron consequence". The final two discuss England and Germany at length. Chamberlain's basic argument was that democracy was an idiotic system as equality was a myth—humans were very different with different abilities and talents, so democratic equality where the opinions of one voter mattered much as the opinions of the next was a completely flawed idea. Quoting the French scientist Gustave Le Bon, Chamberlain wrote the vast majority of people were simply too stupid to properly understand the issues, and as such Germany with its rule by elites was a much better governed nation than France. In Germany, Chamberlain asserted, true freedom existed, as freedom came from the state alone which made it possible for society to function, not the individual as was the case in Britain and France, which Chamberlain claimed was a recipe for chaos. Field summarized Chamberlain's thesis "... the essence of German freedom was the willing submission as a matter of conscience to legitimately constituted authorities; it implied duty more than rights and was something spiritual and internal for which each moral being had to strive. Consigning 'liberty' to an inner, 'nonpolitical' moral realm, Chamberlain closed off any discussion of the specific conditions for a free society and simply asserted that freedom was perfectly compatible with an authoritarian system of government." Quoting—sometimes wildly out of context—various British, French and American authors, such as John Richard Green, William Edward Hartpole Lecky, John Robert Seeley, John Ruskin, Thomas Carlyle, Paul Bourget, Francis Delaisi, James Bryce, John Burgess, Woodrow Wilson, and H. G. Wells, Chamberlain argued that in democratic states, it was always big business that was really in charge; as such democracy was a fraud and democratic governments only served the rich; and democratic states only existed "to further the interests of money making all over the globe". Chamberlain's attacks on democracy as a sham designed to allow "Jewish plutocrats" to rule the world were not only very anti-British and anti-French, but also anti-American. Right from the start of the war, Chamberlain attacked all democratic governments in the world including the neutral United States as a fraud perpetrated by the Jews. Chamberlain wrote that America "is a hellish whirlpool, in which all the contradictions of the world, all the greed, envy and lust brew and simmer; a wild struggle of millions of ignorant egotists, men without ideas, ideals, or traditions, without shared values, without any capacity for sacrifice, an atomic chaos endowed with no true power of nature". Until the United States entered the war in 1917, the Auswärtiges Amt worked hard to prevent Chamberlain's essays with their strong anti-American content from appearing abroad out of the fear that they would offend opinion in America. Chamberlain's wartime writings also gained much attention – albeit of a highly negative sort – in his native Britain, with The Times Literary Supplement declaring: "The most ignorant of the Germans has not written greater nonsense." In 1915, an unauthorised translation of Chamberlain's wartime essays was published in London under the unflattering title of The Ravings of a Renegade.

In his 1915 pamphlet Deutschland und England (Germany and England), Chamberlain vigorously took the side of his adopted land against the land of his birth. Chamberlain explained in Germany and England how the British were once noble Aryans like the Germans who lived in a perfect rigidly hierarchical, romantically rural "unmixed" society, but then starting in the 16th century capitalism had corrupted the English. Capitalism had turned the English into an urban nation dominated by a vulgar money-grubbing, philistine middle class incapable of any sort of culture. The beautiful English countryside, which Chamberlain claimed was once the home of an idyllic agrarian society, had become an ugly urban landscape full of polluting factories owned by greedy Jewish capitalists. Even worse in Chamberlain's opinion, capitalism had led the English into a process of racial degeneration, democracy and rule by the Jews. Chamberlain wrote with disgust how the sons of the English aristocracy "disappear from society to make money", leading to a warped "moral compass" on their part in contrast to Germany where the Junkers either tended to their estates or had careers in the Army. Chamberlain's discussion of Britain ended with the lament that his idealised "Merry Old England" no longer existed, with Chamberlain writing:

We were merry, we are merry no longer. The complete decline of country life and the equally complete victory of God Mammon, the deity of Industry and Trade, have caused the true, harmless, refreshing merriness to betake itself out of England.

Germany by contrast in Chamberlain's view, had preserved its racial purity and by having an authoritarian government and a welfare state, had avoided both laissez-faire capitalism and Jewish rule. It was for this reason that Chamberlain alleged that Britain had started World War I in 1914 to destroy Germany. For all these reasons Chamberlain stated he had come to hate Britain and love Germany, as Germany had preserved everything that Chamberlain considered to be noble in humanity while Britain had long since lost its nobility of spirit. Chamberlain received the Iron Cross from the Kaiser, with whom he was in regular correspondence, in 1916. By this time, Chamberlain's obsessive anti-Semitism had reached the point that Chamberlain was suffering from nightmares in which he was kidnapped and sentenced to death by the Jews. In 1915, Chamberlain wrote proudly in a letter to a friend that: "My lawyer friend in Munich tells me there is no living being whom the Jews hate more than I." In another essay, Chamberlain wrote the "pure Germanic force" had to be saved from the "disgusting worm" (the phrase "disgusting worm" was often used by Wagner to describe the Jews). Chamberlain wrote the purpose of this "struggle" was "salvation from the claws of the un-German and anti-German", going on to quote from Wagner's 1850 anti-Semitic essay Das Judenthum in der Musik that "Against this devil's brood stands Germany as God's champion: Siegfried against the worm!"

During the war years, Chamberlain was one of the "annexationists" who wanted the war to end with Germany annexing most of Europe, Africa and Asia to give the Reich the "world power status" he believed it deserved. As such, Chamberlain worked closely with the Pan-German League, the Conservatives and the völkische groups to mobilise public support for the maximum war aims he sought. Chamberlain was a founding member of the Independent Commission for a German Peace, and in July 1915 he signed the Address of the Intellectuals, a petition signed by 1,347 teachers, writers, professors, and theologians asking the government to win the war in order to annex as much territory as possible. Much of this propaganda including Chamberlain's essays in support of the maximum war aims had a very strong anti-Semitic character, as Chamberlain claimed that it was the entire German Jewish community who were supposedly seeking a compromise peace to end the war, and were preventing the full mobilization of Germany's power that would allow the Reich to win the war. In a letter to his friend Prince Maximilian of Baden, Chamberlain wrote:

I learned today from a man who is especially well-placed to observe these things—even when they go on secretly—that the Jews are completely intoxicated by their success in Germany—first from the millions they have gained through the war, then because of the praise showered on them in all official quarters, and thirdly from the protection they and their machinations enjoy from the censor. Thus, already they are beginning to lose their heads and reach a degree of insolence which may allow us to hope for a flood-tide of reaction. May God grant it!.

In October–November 1916, the so-called Judenzählung ("Jew count") was held by the German Army to examine the popular anti-Semitic claim that German Jews were "shirking" their duty to the Fatherland by avoiding war service. The "Jew count" revealed that in fact German Jews were disproportionately over-represented in the front-line units, as most German Jews were anxious to prove their German patriotism and love of the Fatherland by volunteering for front-line duty. Many young German Jewish men wished to rebut the anti-Semitic canard that they were not real Germans by fighting for the Fatherland, and thus showing that they loved Germany as much as their Gentile neighbors, hence the disproportionate number of German Jews on the front-line compared to their share of the German population. As the results of the "Jew count" did not please the two men in charge of High Command, namely Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg and General Erich Ludendorff, the latter a "fanatical anti-Semite" who had been expecting the "Jew Count" to reveal that German Jews were disproportionally underrepresented on the front-line, the High Command issued a facetious statement saying that for the safety of the German Jewish community the "Jew count" could not be made public, as it would endanger the lives of German Jews. The implication that if people could see just how far German Jews were allegedly "shirking" their duty to the Fatherland, then pogroms would break out in Germany led to a major upsurge in anti-Semitism, which Chamberlain was quick to exploit.

In support of a harder line both in the war and on the home front, Chamberlain involved himself in the intrigues to oust Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg as Chancellor and replace him with the "hard man", Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz. In Chamberlain's opinion, if only Germany were to wage the war more ruthlessly and brutally, then the war would be won. Chamberlain loathed Bethmann Hollweg whom he saw as an inept leader who simply did not have the will to win. Chamberlain had an unbounded confidence in the ability of the Army and Navy to win the war, but on the home front, Chamberlain believed the Reich was "leaderless" as he viewed Bethmann Hollweg as a Jewish "puppet" unwilling and unable to stop defeatism, corruption or the demand for more democracy. Besides supporting Tirpitz as Chancellor, Chamberlain was all for adopting unrestricted submarine warfare—even at the risk of provoking the United States into the war—as the best way of starving Britain into surrender. Chamberlain was also a very public supporter of Zeppelin raids to destroy British cities. After a discussion with his friend and admirer, Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin, Chamberlain published a newspaper essay in July 1915 complaining that the government had imposed far too many restrictions on Zeppelin raids in order to save innocent British lives, and he argued that his country should bomb British cities with no concern for lives of civilians as ordinary British people deserved to die.

The campaign by the annexationists against Bethmann Hollweg was in large part motivated by the fact that the annexationists believed that Bethmann Hollweg was not one of them. Had Chamberlain or any of the other annexationists been aware of the secret September Programme of 1914 which laid out Germany's war aims under the assumption that Paris would soon fall, they would have had a different opinion of him. The aims included making a vassal state of Belgium, annexing Luxembourg and portions of France, expanding German colonies in Africa and increasing German influence in Eastern Europe at the expense of the Russian Empire. Under the constitution of 1871, the Reichstag had limited powers, but one of those was the right to vote on the budget. In the 1912 Reichstag elections, the anti-militarist Social Democrats had won the largest number of seats in the Reichstag. Thus Bethmann Hollweg had to work with the SPD to get the budgets passed to finance the war. In August 1914, the government had been able to persuade the majority of the SPD to support the war on the grounds that Russia was supposedly about to attack Germany. The SPD broke into two; the Majority Social Democrats supported the war while the minority Independent Social Democrats stayed true to their pacifist beliefs and opposed the war. The Majority Social Democrats agreed to support the war to the extent it was portrayed as a defensive struggle against Russia, but the Majority SPD wanted nothing to do with the annexationists. Hence, Bethmann Hollweg's refusal to support the annexationists in public was due to pragmatic political considerations, namely, his need for majority Social Democratic co-operation in the Reichstag as opposed to being against the annexationists as Chamberlain mistakenly believed. If the parties supporting annexationists, such as the Conservatives, National Liberals and Free Conservatives, had done better in the 1912 elections, Bethmann Hollweg would almost certainly have taken a different line in public regarding the demands of the annexationists. Much of Chamberlain's strident, aggressive and embittered rhetoric reflected the fact that the annexationists were a minority in Germany, albeit a significant, vocal, well organised minority with many influential members inside and outside the government, but a minority nonetheless. The majority of the German people did not support the annexationists. Chamberlain regarded the refusal of the democratic parties like the left-wing SPD, the right-of-the-centre Zentrum and the liberal Progressives to join the annexationist movement as essentially high treason. By 1917 Bethmann Hollweg had turned against the idea of annexations. At the 23 April Kreuznach conference on war aims, when Hindenburg and Ludendorff pressured him to agree to annexations in France, Belgium and Russia, he refused. In July 1917 Hindenburg and Ludendorff, with the support of a significant portion of the Reichstag, successfully maneuvered to have Bethmann Hollweg dismissed and replaced with Georg Michaelis as Chancellor. Chamberlain's preferred candidate as Chancellor, Admiral Tirpitz, was passed over. Tirpitz was an intelligent, media-savvy, charismatic political intriguer with a desperate hunger for political power, but the duumvirate of Hindenburg and Ludendorff regarded Tirpitz as Chancellor as too much of a threat to their own power. The Reichstag Peace Resolution of July 1917—in which the SPD, Zentrum and the Progressives all joined forces to vote for a resolution asking the government to start peace talks at once on the basis of a return to the status quo of 1914—"inflamed the paranoia and desperation of the right. The annexationists prepared for a war to the knife against ... domestic "traitors"." Chamberlain was disappointed that Tirpitz had not been appointed Chancellor; however, he was overjoyed with Bethmann Hollweg's resignation and welcomed the increased power of Hindenburg and Ludendorff in political affairs as giving Germany the sort of government it needed. Chamberlain was always inclined to hero worship, and for him, Hindenburg and Ludendorff were the greatest of a long line of German heroes. Chamberlain wrote in 1917 that: "Had Hindenburg and Ludendorff stood on the first day in their rightful place, the peace would in all probability have been dictated in Paris before the end of 1914."

Besides being an annexationist who wanted to see the war end with Germany as the world's greatest power, Chamberlain also advocated a set of wide-ranging changes to German society intended to achieve a "rebirth" of Germany. Chamberlain wanted to see the Spirit of 1914 made permanent, to convert the wartime Burgfrieden ("peace within a castle under siege") into a peacetime Volksgemeinschaft (people's community). He also wanted a new economic and social system that would be a "third way" between capitalism and socialism to bring about the Volksgemeinschaft organized along corporatist lines. To achieve this, Chamberlain called for the end to any remaining democratic features the constitution of 1871 still possessed and the creation of a pure dictatorship; for the end of the capitalist system with the state to nationalize huge sections of the economy while at the same time respecting the right to private property; and for the militarization of society on a new scale. Chamberlain was somewhat vague about how this corporatist society would work in practice, but what he wanted was rule by an oligarchy of aristocrats, intellectuals, bureaucrats and military officers who would run a "planned economy" via "scientific management". The entire German people (except for the Jews, whom Chamberlain believed did not belong in Germany) were to be united by a common loyalty to the Emperor. A fanatical monarchist, Chamberlain saw the monarchy as the bedrock of German life, writing in his 1915 book Politische Ideale: "Whoever speaks of a republic in Germany belongs on the gallows; the monarchical idea is here a holy law of life." At the same time, Chamberlain envisioned a Germany that would somehow remain the leading industrial power at the forefront of modern technology while at the same time become a romantic, agrarian society where ordinary people would work the land and retain their traditional deference to the aristocracy. Chamberlain was also vague about how this could be achieved, writing only that a "planned economy", "scientific management" and an economically interventionist state committed to social reforms would make it all possible.

After Germany's diplomatic defeat in the Second Moroccan Crisis in 1911, Wilhelm II became the Schattenkaiser (the "Shadow Emperor"), an increasingly reclusive figure who was seen less and less in public. The war further reinforced Wilhelm's tendency to avoid the public spotlight as much as possible. In private, Chamberlain grew disillusioned with his friend, complaining that instead of being the "Aryan soldier king" leading the Reich to victory as he wanted and expected him to be, the Kaiser was a weak leader as the "Shadow Emperor" was hiding himself away in deep seclusion from the rest of Germany at his hunting lodges. Wilhelm's hiding himself away from his own people during the war did immense damage to the prestige of the monarchy, and if the Kaiser's seclusion did not make the November Revolution of 1918 inevitable, it at least made it possible. As a monarchist, Chamberlain was worried about how Wilhelm was hurting his own reputation, and often vainly urged the Kaiser to appear in public more often. Chamberlain wrote in 1916 that Wilhelm had an "absolute incapability for judging character" and was now being "forced to obey a Frankfurt pimp", the last being a disparaging reference to Bethmann Hollweg. Chamberlain was always very careful to avoid attacking Wilhelm in public, but his violent press attacks against Bethmann Hollweg caused something of a rift with the Kaiser who felt Chamberlain's very public criticism of the Chancellor was also an indirect attack on him. Nonetheless, despite the strains the war imposed on their friendship, Chamberlain and Wilhelm continued to write throughout the war, but pointedly did not meet in person anymore, though Chamberlain's increasing paralysis also played a part. Wilhelm wrote to Chamberlain on 15 January 1917, stating:

The war is a struggle between two Weltanschauungen, the Teutonic-German for morality, right, loyalty and faith, genuine humanity, truth and real freedom, against ... the worship of Mammon, the power of money, pleasure, land-hunger, lies, betrayal, deceit and—last but not least—treacherous assassination! These two Weltanschauungen cannot be reconciled or tolerate one another, one must be victorious, the other must go under!

In response, Chamberlain wrote back to Wilhelm on 20 January 1917, declaring:

England has fallen totally into the hands of the Jews and the Americans. A person does not understand this war unless he realizes that it is in the deepest sense the war of Judentum and its near relative Americanism for the control of the world—a war against Christianity, against Bildung, moral strength, uncommercial art, against every idealist perspective on life, and for the benefit of a world that would include only industry, finance, and trade—in short, unrestricted plutocracy. All the other additional factors—Russian greed, French vanity, Italian bombast, the envious and cowardly spirit of the neutrals—are whipped up, made crazy; the Jew and the Yankee are the driving forces that operate consciously and in a certain sense have hitherto been victorious or at all events successful ... It is the war of modern mechanized "civilization" against the ancient, holy and continually reborn culture of chosen races. Machines will crush both spirit and soul in their clutches.

Chamberlain continued to believe right up until the end of the war that Germany would win only if the people willed victory enough, and this sort of ideological war between "German idealism" vs. "Jewish materialism" could only end with one side utterly crushing the other. In the last two years of the war, Chamberlain became obsessed with defeating the "inner enemy" that he believed was holding Germany back. In this regard, Chamberlain frequently asserted that Germany was not one nation, but two; on one side, the "patriots" like Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz, General Erich Ludendorff, Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, Wolfgang Kapp, J. F. Lehmann and Count von Reventlow; and on the other, the "traitors" which included people like Philipp Scheidemann, Eduard David and Matthias Erzberger. No compromise between these two Germanies was possible or desirable, Chamberlain argued, and one would have to be destroyed. Chamberlain's wartime writings against the "inner enemy" anticipated the "stab-in-the-back legend" which emerged after 1918. Chamberlain was a founding member of both the extreme-right, anti-Semitic Deutschlands Erneuerung newspaper, and of the Fatherland Party in 1917. The character of the Fatherland Party was well illustrated by an infamous incident in January 1918 when at a Fatherland Party rally in Berlin, a group of disabled war veterans were invited to debate the Fatherland Party's speakers. The wounded veterans, including men who were paralyzed, blinded, missing limbs, etc. all declared that they were now against the war and had become pacifists. The crippled veterans deplored the Fatherland Party's militarism and demand for war to go until victory, regardless of how many more would have to die or end up living with destroyed bodies. The ultra-nationalists of the Fatherland Party were so enraged by what the crippled veterans had to say that the audience stormed the stage, and savagely beat the disabled veterans senseless. Chamberlain, who lived in Bayreuth. was not present during the Berlin rally, but expressed his approval of what had happened when he heard of it.

During the war, most Germans saw Britain as the main enemy, and so Chamberlain's status as the Englishman who supported the Reich made him an even more famous celebrity in Germany than he had been before 1914. Chamberlain's wartime essays were widely read. The first set of essays sold 160,000 copies within six months of publication while the second set sold 75,000 copies within six weeks of publication. Between 1914 and 1918 about 1 million copies of Chamberlain's essays were sold, making Chamberlain one of Germany's best read writers during the war. In December 1915, it was estimated that between the direct sales of Chamberlain's essays and reprints in newspapers, at least 3 million people had read Chamberlain's war-time writings. Such was the power of Chamberlain as a public figure that in August 1916 the German Jewish industrialist Walther Rathenau—whom Chamberlain had often accused of profiteering—mailed Chamberlain a copy of his bank balance sheets, which showed that Rathenau was in fact getting poorer as a result of the war, and politely asked Chamberlain to stop accusing him of war profiteering. Rathenau's appeal made no impression, and Chamberlain continued to accuse Rathenau of war profiteering right until he was assassinated in 1922. In 1917 Chamberlain wrote about the liberal Frankfurter Zeitung newspaper: "No knowledgeable person, can doubt that the enemy is at work among us ... whenever England has something up her sleeve against the interests of Germany, she uses the Frankfurter Zeitung." Bernhard Guttmann, the editor of the Frankfurter Zeitung sued Chamberlain for libel about that article. In August 1918, the sensational libel trial which attracted much media attention opened. The Frankfurter Zeitung's lawyers were Conrad Haussmann and Hertz while Chamberlain was defended by Heinrich Class and Adolf Jacobsen. On 16 August 1918, the trial ended with the judge ruling that Chamberlain was indeed guilty of libel and fined him 1,500 marks. The guilty verdict set off a storm in right-wing circles, who quickly held several successful fund-raisers that raised the necessary 1,500 marks to pay Chamberlain's fine.

Portrait, unknown date

Hitler's mentor

In November 1918, Chamberlain was completely shattered and horrified by Germany's defeat in the war, a defeat he believed to be impossible, as well as by the November Revolution, which had toppled his beloved monarchy. Adding to his bitterness, Chamberlain was now so paralyzed that he could no longer leave his bed, something that he believed to be the result of poisoning by the British secret service. Chamberlain saw both the defeat and the revolution of 1918 as the work of the Jews, writing in 1919 that Germany was now under the "supremacy of the Jews". In his last years, Chamberlain's anti-Semitic writings grew ever more violent and bloodthirsty as Chamberlain became even more intensely anti-Semitic than he had been before 1918. In March 1920, Chamberlain supported the Kapp Putsch against the Weimar Republic, which he called the Judenrepublik ("Jewish Republic"), and was even more embittered by its failure. The Kapp putsch was defeated by a general strike called by the Social Democrats which shut down the entire German economy. A young völkisch activist Josef Stolzing-Cerny and a Chamberlain protégé who had participated in the Kapp putsch wrote to Chamberlain after its failure: "Unfortunately Kapp was not all 'the man with the lion heart', much rather the man with the beer heart, for he continually used all his energies befuddling his brain with alcohol. ... In the same situation a Bismarck or a Napoleon would have hunted the whole Jewish-socialist republic to the devil." Stolzing-Cerny went on to criticize Kapp for not unleashing the Freikorps Marinebrigade Ehrhardt which had taken Berlin against the Jews of Berlin, instead ordering the Freikorps to keep order. After the failure of the putsch, Chamberlain no longer considered Wolfgang Kapp to be one of his heroes, and instead damned him as a weak-willed coward all too typical of German conservatives who talked tough, but never followed up their words with action. More importantly, the failure of the Kapp putsch to a certain extent discredited traditional German conservatism in Chamberlain's eyes, and led him on the search for a more radical alternative, a type of "German socialism" that would offer a "third way" between capitalism and socialism.

In January 1921, Stolzing-Cerny, who joined the NSDAP in December 1920, wrote to Chamberlain about the new man on the political scene, "one Adolf Hitler, an Austrian worker, a man of extraordinary oratorical talents and an astonishingly rich political knowledge who knows marvelously how to thrill the masses". Initially, Chamberlain was hesitant about Hitler, believing that he might be another Kapp, but after the "battle of Coburg", in which Hitler had personally fought with his followers in a street battle against the Communists, Chamberlain started to see Hitler as someone who practiced what he preached. From that time onwards, Chamberlain started to closely follow and admire Hitler, whom he saw as "Germany's savior". Hitler in his turn had read The Foundations, Chamberlain's biography of Wagner, and many of his wartime essays, and was much influenced by all that Chamberlain had written. British historian Sir Ian Kershaw, a biographer of Hitler, writes that

... Hitler drew heavily for his ideas from well known anti-Semitic tracts such as those by Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Adolf Wahrmund and especially, the arch-popularizer Theodor Fritsch (one of whose emphasis was the alleged sexual abuse of women by the Jews)...

The fact that Hitler was an ardent Wagnerite who adored Wagner's music gave Chamberlain and Hitler a mutual ground for friendship beyond their shared hatred of the Jews. Likewise, Joseph Goebbels had been converted to the völkisch ideology after reading Chamberlain's books and essays, and came to the conclusion on the basis of Chamberlain's writings that the West could only be saved by removing the Jews from German society. During this period, Chamberlain, who was practically a member of the Wagner family, started to push for the Bayreuth Festival to become openly identified with völkisch politics, and to turn the previously apolitical festival into a völkisch rally.

Despite his paralysis, Chamberlain whose mind was still sharp, remained active as a writer, maintaining a correspondence with a whole gamut of figures from Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz to the radical anti-Semitic journalist Theodor Fritsch, the leader of the völkisch Hammerbund ("Hammer League"). From his exile in the Netherlands, the former Kaiser wrote to Chamberlain in 1922 to tell him that thanks to his essays, he had become a Marcionist and now rejected the Old Testament. Wilhelm claimed that on the basis of Chamberlain's work, he now knew that what had become the Old Testament was in fact a Zoroastrian text from ancient Persia (modern Iran) and was therefore "Aryan". The former Kaiser claimed that the Jews had stolen and rewritten this sacred text from the Aryan Persians, ending his letter: "Let us free ourselves from the Judentum with its Jawe!" In 1923, Wilhelm wrote to tell Chamberlain of his belief that not only were the Jews "not our religious forebears", but that Jesus was "not a Jew", was instead an Aryan "of exceptional beauty, tall and slim with a noble face inspiring respect and love; his hair blond shading into chestnut brown, his arms and hands noble and exquisitely formed".

In 1923 Chamberlain met with Adolf Hitler in Bayreuth, and in September he sat in his wheelchair next to Hitler during the völkisch "German Day" paramilitary parade. In September 1923 he wrote a grateful and highly admiring open letter to the NSDAP leader. Chamberlain, paralysed and despondent after Germany's losses in World War I, wrote to Hitler after his first visit in September 1923:

{{{1}}}

Chamberlain's letter—which made him into the first celebrity to endorse the NSDAP—caused a media sensation in Germany and led Hitler to rejoice "like a child" at the news. When Hitler staged the Munich Beer Hall Putsch in November 1923, Chamberlain wrote an essay for the Völkischer Beobachter entitled "God Wills It!" calling on all Germans who love Germany to join the putsch. After the failure of the Munich Putsch, Chamberlain wrote: "We are deeply affected by this tragic fate, Jew and Jesuit can now triumph again!".

Chamberlain joined the Nazi Party and contributed to its publications. Its primary journal, the Völkischer Beobachter, dedicated five columns to praising him on his 70th birthday, describing The Foundations as the "gospel of the National Socialist movement". In January 1924, Chamberlain published an essay praising Hitler as one of the "rare beautiful beings... a man of genuine simplicity with a fascinating gaze" whose words "always come directly from the heart". Chamberlain praised Hitler for embarking upon a "Vernichtungskrieg" ("war of destruction") against all of Germany's enemies. Chamberlain further wrote about Hitler—whom he viewed as the greatest of all his heroes—that:

Because he [Hitler] is no mere phrasemonger, but consistently pursues his thought to an end and draws his conclusions from it, he recognizes and proclaims that one cannot simultaneously embrace Jesus and those that crucified him. That is the splendid thing about Hitler—his courage! ... In this respect he reminds one of Luther. And whence come the courage of these two men? It derives from the holy seriousness each has for the cause! Hitler utters no word he does not mean in earnest; his speeches contain no padding or vague, provisional statements ... but the result of this is that he is decried as a visionary dreamer. People consider Hitler a dreamer whose head is full of impossible schemes and yet a renowned and original historian called him "the most creative mind since Bismarck in the area of statecraft." I believe ... we are all inclined to view those things as impractical that we do not already see accomplished before us. He, for example, finds it impossible to share our conviction about the pernicious, even murderous influence of Jewry on the German Volk and not to take action; if one sees the danger, then steps must be taken against it with utter dispatch. I daresay everyone recognizes this, but nobody risks speaking out; nobody ventures to extract the consequences of his thoughts for his actions; nobody except Hitler. ... This man has worked like a divine blessing, cheering hearts, opening men's eyes to clearly seen goals, enlivening their spirits, kindling their capacity for love and for indignation, hardening their courage and resoluteness. Yet we still need him badly: May God who sent him to us preserve him for many years as a "blessing for the German Fatherland!"

After the failure of the Munich Putsch, Hitler was convicted of high treason and imprisoned. When the 1924 Bayreuth Festival opened, Chamberlain's efforts to identify the festival with völkisch politics finally bore fruit. The Festspielhügel opera house and the way leading up to it were decorated with völkisch symbols like the swastika, parades by the nationalist Verbände were held outside the Festspielhügel, prominent völkisch leaders like General Erich Ludendorff appeared on the stage to give a speech attacking the Weimar Republic before one of the operas was performed, and a petition was offered to the audiences demanding that Hitler be pardoned. The 1924 festival led to 10,000 people in one night signing the petition asking for Hitler's release. From his prison cell at Landsberg prison, Hitler wrote to Siegfried Wagner expressing his sorrow about being unable to attend his beloved Bayreuth Festival and to express his thanks to the entire Wagner family and Chamberlain for turning the Bayreuth festival into a völkisch rally, adding that when he got out of prison, he would come to Bayreuth as "the first witness and herald" of Germany's rebirth. Hitler stated this would be the best medicine for Chamberlain's health as "the road to Berlin" started in Bayreuth. In May 1926, one year before Chamberlain's death, Hitler and Goebbels visited him in Bayreuth. Chamberlain assured Hitler of his belief that he was the "chosen one" destined to lead Germany back to greatness after the defeat of 1918, to make the Reich a world power, and finally smash the Jews. Much of Hitler's genuine affection for Chamberlain was due to the fact that Chamberlain never lost his faith in Hitler's potential, even at time in the mid-1920s when the NSDAP was faring very poorly.

Chamberlain continued living in Bayreuth until his death in 1927. Chamberlain died on 9 January 1927 and his ashes were buried at the Bayreuth cemetery in the presence of Adolf Hitler. His gravestone bears a verse from the Gospel of Luke, which he considered to spell out the essential difference between his ideal type of Christianity, and Judaism and Catholicism as he saw them: "The Kingdom of God is within you." (Luke 17:21 {{{3}}})

Հիմնադրամի ազդեցությունը

Իր կենդանության օրոք Չեմբեռլենի ստեղծագործությունները լայնորեն կարդացվել են ամբողջ Եվրոպայում և հատկապես Գերմանիայում: Նրա ընդունելությունը հատկապես բարենպաստ է եղել Գերմանիայի պահպանողական վերնախավի շրջանում։ Վիլհելմ II-ը հովանավորել Չեմբեռլենին՝ նամակագրություն վարելով, հրավիրելով նրան մնալ իր արքունիքում։ 1932 թվականին «Հակասեմիտներ» վերնագրված մի ակնարկում, որը դատապարտում է հակասեմականությունը, գերմանացի լրագրող Կարլ ֆոն Օսյեցկին գրել է. «Կոնկրետացրեց կոմս Արթուր դը Գոբինոյի երևակայությունները, որոնք թափանցել էին Բայրոյթ։ Նա դրանք անվնաս պճնամոլության լեզվից թարգմանել է արդիականացված, գայթակղիչ միստիկայի»։

Չեմբեռլենը, ապրեց՝ տեսնելու համար, որ իր գաղափարները սկսեցին պտուղներ տալ: Ադոլֆ Հիտլերը, երբ դեռևս Գերմանիայում աճում էր որպես քաղաքական գործիչ, մի քանի անգամ (1923 թվականին և 1926 թվականին Յոզեֆ Գեբելսի հետ) այցելել է նրան Բայրոյթում գտնվող Վագներ ընտանիք։ Ավելի ուշ՝ 1927 թվականի հունվարին, Հիտլերը նացիստական կուսակցության մի քանի բարձրաստիճան անդամների հետ մասնակցում է Չեմբեռլենի հուղարկավորությանը։ Չեմբեռլենի գաղափարները հատկապես ազդել են Ալֆրեդ Ռոզենբերգի վրա, ով դարձել է նացիստական կուսակցության փիլիսոփան։ 1909 թվականին իր 17-ամյակից մի քանի ամիս առաջ Ռոզենբերգը մորաքրոջ հետ գնացել է իր խնամակալի մոտ, որտեղ հավաքված են եղել մի քանի այլ հարազատներ: Ձանձրանալով՝ նա գնացել է գրքերի դարակ, վերցրել է Չեմբեռլենի «Die Grundlagen» գրքի պատճենը և գրել «Ես ինձ հոսանք զգացի, գրեցի վերնագիրը և անմիջապես գնացի գրախանութ»։ 1930 թվականին Ռոզենբերգը հրատարակել է «Քսաներորդ դարի առասպելը», որը հարգանքի տուրք էր մատուցում Չեմբեռլենին և շարունակություն էր տալիս նրա աշխատանքին:

Կայզերից և NSDAP-ից այն կողմ գնահատականները տարբեր են եղել։ Ֆրանսիացի գերմանագետ Էդմոն Վերմեյլը Չեմբեռլենի գաղափարները համարել է «անպիտան», սակայն հականացիստական գերմանացի գրող Կոնրադ Հայդենը, չնայած Չեմբեռլենի ռասայական գաղափարների դեմ առարկություններին, նրան նկարագրել է որպես «գերմանական մտքի պատմության ամենազարմանալի տաղանդներից մեկը. գիտելիքի և խորը գաղափարների կրող»։ 1939 թվականի աշխատության մեջ Մարտին Հայդեգերը (նախկին նացիստ) մերժել է Չեմբեռլենի աշխատանքը:

Աշխատանքներ

• Das Drama Richard Wagners. Eine Anregung, Breitkopf & Härtel (1892)
• Richard Wagner, Ֆ․Բրուքման (1895)
• Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, Բրուքման (1899)
• Arische Weltanschauung, Բրուքման (1905)
• Heinrich von Stein und seine Weltanschauung, Գեորգ Հենրիխ Մեյեր (1903)
• Immanuel Kant. Die Persönlichkeit als Einführung in das Werk, Բեռլին, Բարդ, Մարկվարտ և Քո (1905)
• Goethe. Բրուքման (1912)
• Kriegsaufsätze, Բրուքման (1914)
• Politische Ideale, Բրուքման (1915)
• England und Deutschland, Բրուքման (1915)
• Die Zuversicht, Բրուքման (1915)
• Who is to blame for the war?, Գերմանա-ամերիկյան գրական պաշտպանության կոմիտե (1915)
• Deutsches Wesen, Բրուքման (1916)
• Idealund Macht, Բրուքման (1916)
• Lebenswege meines Denkens, Բրուքման (1919)
• Mensch und Gott, Բրուքման (1921)
• Natur und Leben. Բրուքման (1928)

Տես նաև

• Օսվալդ Մոսլի

Մատենագրություն

• Biddiss, Michael (1998), "History as Destiny: Gobineau, H. S. Chamberlain and Spengler," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. VII, Sixth Series, Cambridge University Press.
• Buruma, Ian (2000) Anglomania: A European Love Affair New York: Vintage Books. 0375705368
• The Wagner Clan: The Saga of Germany's Most Illustrious and Infamous Family, New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2007, էջ 409, ISBN 978-0-87113-975-7
• Domeier, Norman (2015) The Eulenburg Affair: A Cultural History of Politics in the German Empire, Rochester: Boydell & Brewer. 9781571139122
• Evans, Richard J. (2005) The Coming of the Third Reich, London: Penguin Books. 0143034693
• Field, Geoffrey G. (1981), Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain, New York: Columbia University Press, էջ 565, ISBN 978-0-231-04860-6
• Fraser, David (January 1990) "Houston Stewart Chamberlain Revolutionary or Reactionary?" in Journal of 20th Century History, Volume 20, #1, pp. 410–24
• Friedländer, Saul (1998) Nazi Germany and the Jews: Volume 1: The Years of Persecution 1933–1939, New York: Harper Perennial. 0060928786
• Hadow, Sir W. H. (1934), Richard Wagner, London: T. Butterworth, Ltd.
• Hilmes, Oliver (2009), Cosimas Kinder: Triumph und Tragödie der Wagner-Dynastie (Cosima's Children: Triumph and Tragedy of the Wagner Dynasty) (գերմաներեն), Munich, Germany: Siedler Verlag, էջ 319, ISBN 978-3-88680-899-1
• Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja (2008): Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Zur textlichen Konstruktion einer Weltanschauung. Eine sprach-, diskurs- und ideologiegeschichtliche Analyse. (Studia linguistica; Bd. 95). De Gruyter, Berlin: de Gruyter.978-3-11-020957-0.
• Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja (2009): Houston Stewart Chamberlains Rassentheoretische Geschichts„philosophie“. In: Werner Bergmann, Ulrich Sieg (Hrsg.): Antisemitische Geschichtsbilder. (Antisemitismus. Geschichte und Strukturen: Bd. 5). Essen: Klartext Verlag. p. 139–166. 978-3-8375-0114-8
• Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja (2013): Kulturchauvinismus. Germanisches Christentum. Austilgungsrassismus. Houston Stewart Chamberlain als Leitfigur des deutschnationalen Bürgertums und Stichwortgeber Adolf Hitlers. In: Hannes Heer (Hrsg.): Weltanschauung en marche. Die Bayreuther Festspiele und die Juden 1876 bis 1945. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, p. 169–192. 978-3-8260-5290-3
• Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja (2017): Houston Stewart Chamberlain. In: Handbuch der völkischen Wissenschaften. Akteure, Netzwerke, Forschungsprogramme. Band 1: Biographien. Hrsg. von Michael Fahlbusch / Ingo Haar / Alexander Pinwinkler. 2. vollständig überarbeitete Auflage. Boston / Berlin: de Gruyter. p. 114-119.
• Mosse, George L. (1968) "Introduction to the 1968 Edition" to Chamberlain, Houston Stewart The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century Vol. I. Lees, John (trans.) New York: Howard Fertig Inc.
• Ossietzky, Carl von (1984) "Anti-Semites" in Kaes, Anton; Jay, Martin; and Dimendberg, Edward (eds.) The Weimar Republic Sourcebook. Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp. 276–80
• Praeger, Ferdinand (1892) Wagner as I Knew Him London: Longman, Green & Co.
• Real, Jéan (1955), «The religious conception of race: Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Germanic Christianity», in Vermeil, Edmond (ed.), The Third Reich: Essays on the National-Socialist Movement in Germany, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, էջեր 243–286
• Redesdale, Lord (1913) "Introduction" to Chamberlain, Houston Stewart The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century (4th English language impression). London.
• Röhl, John (2004) Wilhelm II: The Kaiser's Personal Monarchy, 1888–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 0521819202
• Scholz, Dieter (1997), Ein deutsches Mißverständnis. Richard Wagner zwischen Barrikade und Walhalla, Berlin: Parthas Verlag, ISBN 978-3932529139
• Shirer, William L. (1985) [1959] The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. Book Club Associates.
• Wette, Wolfram (2006) The Wehrmacht: History, Myth, Reality, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 33 9780674025776
• Pieter Jan Verstraete (2016) Houston Stewart Chamberlain: rassenideoloog en wegbereider van nationaalsocialisme. Soest: Uitgeverij Aspekt. ISBN 978 94 6338 013 3

• Barzun, Jacques (1937), Race: A Study in Modern Superstition, Taylor & Francis.
• Biddiss, Michael D. "Houston Stewart Chamberlain: Prophet of Teutonism," History Today (Jan 1969), Vol. 19 Issue 1, pp 10–17, online.
• Kelly, Alfred (1981), The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860–1914, University of North Carolina Press.
• Mather Jr., F. J. (1915), "Ethnic Darwinism: A New-Old Fallacy," The Unpopular Review, Vol. III, No. 5.
• Newman, Ernest (1931), "The Case of Ferdinand Praeger." In Fact and Fiction about Wagner, Alfred A. Knopf.
• Parkinson, C. Northcote (1958), "The Theory of Dictatorship." In Evolution of Political Thought, Part IV, Chap. 22, Houghton Mifflin Company.
• Redesdale, Lord (1914), "Houston Stewart Chamberlain," The Edinburgh Review, Vol. CCXIX, No. 447.
• Snyder, Louis L. (1939), "Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Teutonic Nordicism." In Race, A History of Modern Ethnic Theories, Chap. VIII, Longmans, Green and Co.
• Stein, Ludwig (1918), "The Neo-Romantic Movement." In Philosophical Currents of the Present Day, Chap. V. The University of Calcutta.
• Williamson, Roger Andrew (1973), Houston Stewart Chamberlain: A Study of the Man and His Ideas, 1855–1927, University of California, Santa Barbara.
• Voegelin, Eric (1940), "The Growth of the Race Idea," The Review of Politics, Vol. 2, No. 3.
• Voegelin, Eric (1997), Race and State, University of Missouri Press.

Արտաքին հղումներ

• Հյուսթոն Ստյուարտ Չեմբեռլենի ստեղծագործությունները,
• Թեոդոր Ռուզվելտի ակնարկը 19-րդ դարի մասին
• Հյուսթոն Ստյուարտ Չեմբեռլենի կենսագրությունը
• Կոլնայ, Աուրել, պատերազմ Արևմուտքի դեմ, Գլուխ V-հավատք և մտածողություն 5: Դավանանքի և դիցաբանության առճակատում
• Հրեական հանրագիտարան: Չեմբեռլեն, Հյուսթոն Ստյուարտ